By Arap Doyo
If you schooled in Moi University between 1984 and 2014, most likely you must have across one man by the name Dean DM Mureithi.
Mureithi was not your ordinary Dean of
Students. He was shrewd, astitute and a political genius. He controlled both the student Governing Council and The Student “opposition” with ease.
When Mureithi felt you had a considerable influence among the students, harbored radical ideologies and a thorn in the flesh of the university’s ruling establishment, he would devise a tactiful way of taming you. And it worked 90% of the time.
Using his countless student spies, Muriithi could find out every single detail about you, from who you slept with to who you copy your assignments from.
From there, he would start by issuing threats; opening the green book, mentioning the University senate, suspension and explusion endlessly. Most students would quit at this level.
But then there were those who had ” steel balls”. Not even the threats nor the green book rules could stop them.
But for Mureithi all he needed was time and patience. He would lower his ego to an extent of stomaching insult directed at him, knowing too well he eventually would corner you. Gradually, he would begin appealing to your self interests, in every available manner.
He would suggest creation of student commissions where he awards you a senior position and pumps huge monies into it.
Additionally, he would ensure you are part and parcel of every student tour as well as giving you money to run student events which in most cases never happened.
And with the meagre pocket money, even the so called “clean” radical students would find it very difficult to escape the lure. Many got to be neutralized at this level.
But there was a few who could “enjoy” but still cause ‘trouble’ to the administration.
Behind their back, Mureithi would release all the information, including the cash approval documents, to a very influential vigilant campus media and your enemies in the campus political industry.
Within hours, the information spread like bush fire. Students begin labeling them admin projects, thieves and all the other negative descriptive terms on earth.
And just like that, the students’ trust in them is gone. The influence is multiplied by zero and hence no longer a threat to the administration.
The Jubilee duo saw a threat in PK. A future threat, a thorn in the flesh; a perceived enemy to Uhuru’s succession plans. And neutralizing it in 2017 was safer using Mureithi’s tact of buy loyalty first, feign support, mislead, erode public trust and eventually kill with glee.
In 2013, PK had a very favorable image among Kenyans. He had created for himself a national appeal, a widely talked about record and an anti-status quo image. In the eyes of the Kenyan public, he cut the image of an “ideal” leader.
Fast forward to 2017.
Peter Kenneth has been missing from the scenes. The Jubilee leadership plucks him from holiday and convinces him to run for office.
But to do that, he has to dissolve his party KNC and support Uhuru Kenyatta for his re-election. Mark you, this is a man he opposed in 2013 dismissing his presidential credentials.
Immediately after the endorsement, PK comes under heavy criticism. He is accused of double standards, ethnicity and political dishonesty. His “third force” image among the public as an outstanding clean politician is eroded, killed and buried. The general argument now is that he’s not only a typical Kenyan politician but a hypocrite too.
PK, after wide consultations with Jubilee, says he wants to run for the Nairobi gubernatorial contest on its ticket with an eye on future heavier duties.
He rejects to vie in his native Murang’a county. Mark you, in Nairobi he is to face well established city politicians Sonko at the primaries and if he wins, Kidero at the ballot.
Here again, PK is led to a slaughterhouse- willingly.
A stage managed “support” is given to him weeks to Jubilee Primaries. All city Jubilee politicians are supporting PK now. Reports are rife that Uhuru too is supporting him. DP Ruto is deeply silent.
And to extend the narrative that the system is behind PK, the ODPP opens a case file on Sonko’s academic record. Jubilee headquarters is also seen to give him a hard time clearing him for the nominations.
Sonko is infuriated. He feels he is under siege oblivious of this well scripted play where he and DP Ruto are the end beneficiaries.
A week to the primaries, PK is alone. All the city politicians who used to hang out with him from one rally to another have vanished.
Jubilee bloggers and agenda setters are mocking him and telling him to collect his votes from Facebook.
Come the nomination day, PK is beaten like a burukenge. He cries foul. No one is listening. The political establishmeny is unbothered. The public too doesn’t give a damn. His political career is over.
The PK of 2013 is no longer the PK of 2017. Most importantly, he is no longer a threat to Uhuru’s 2022 sucesssion plans.
Laughter can be heard in Sigoi and Gatundu.